GLF

Kendall (in press) conducted an in-depth analysis of possible relationships between society, pornography, rape and the Internet for the state of California. Kendall found that the arrival of the Internet, while not seeming to have an effect on other crimes, was associated with a reduction in rape incidence. After checking the results for the effects of the extent of porn use, user marital status, size of city in which potential rapists might live, possible economic status, and other social and demographic features, Kendall concluded that "potential rapists perceive pornography as a substitute for rape...pornography is a complement for masturbation or consensual sex, which themselves are substitutes for rape, making pornography a net substitute for rape."

We believe our findings support the displacement function of pornography for potential sex offenders.

Issues surrounding child pornography and child sex abuse are probably among the most contentious in the area of sex issues and crime. In this regard we consider instructive our findings for the Czech Republic that have echoed those found in Denmark (Kutchinsky, 1973) and Japan (Diamond & Uchiyama, 1999) that where so-called child-pornography was readily available without restriction the incidence of child sexual abuse was lower than when its availability was restricted. As with adult pornography appearing to substitute for sexual aggression everywhere it has been investigated, we believe the availability of child porn does similarly. We believe this particularly since the findings of Weiss (2002) have shown that a substantial portion of child sex abuse instances seemed to occur, not because of pedophilic interest of the abuser, but because the child was used as a substitute subject.

We do not approve of the use of real children in the production or distribution of child pornography but artificially produced materials might serve. As it is, with restrictions on even materials for the scientific study of the phenomenon forbidden to all but police enforcement agencies, these real life studies are the only way to begin to understand the phenomenon.

Important to note are recent findings by Swiss investigators that viewing child pornography does not seem to be a risk factor for future sex offenses (Endrass, et al., 2009).

For the purposes of simplicity in the present discussion, pornography is broadly defined as any sexually explicit material (SEM) primarily developed or produced to arouse sexual interest or provide erotic pleasure. It may be in any media and it may be legal or illegal.

The types of pornography available in Japan is also of interest relative to sex crime. The SEM produced caters to every taste and fetish and is typically much more aggressive and violent than that seen in the United States. And there are rarely enforced age restrictions in the purchase of or posing for these materials.

While we did not analyze in detail the pornographic materials in Japan for sadomasochistic or violent content it appears from inspection that such content is certainly much higher in Japan than in the U.S.A. or elsewhere.

In Japan, rapes decreased 79 percent while public indecency decreased 33 percent.

Japan has the lowest number of reported rape cases and the highest percentage of arrests and convictions in reported cases of any developed nation. Indeed Japan is known as one of the safest developed countries for women in the world (Clifford, 1980).

Despite the absence of evidence, the myth persists that an abundance of sexual explicit material invariably leads to an abundance of sexual activity and eventually rape (e.g., Liebert, Neale, & Davison, 1973). Indeed, the data we report and review suggests the opposite. Christensen (1990) argues that to prove that available pornography leads to sex crimes one must at least find a positive temporal correlation between the two. The absence of any positive correlation in our findings, and from results elsewhere, between an increase in available pornography and the incidence of rape or other sex crime, is prima facie evidence that no link exists. But objectivity requires that an additional question be asked: "Does pornography use and availability prevent or reduce sex crime?" Both questions lead to hypotheses that have, over prolonged periods, been tested in Denmark, Sweden, West Germany and now in Japan. Indeed it appears from our data from Japan, as it was evident to Kutchinsky (1994), from research in Europe and Scandinavia, that a large increase in available sexually explicit materials, over many years, has not been correlated with an increase in rape or other sexual crimes. Instead, in Japan a marked decrease in sexual crimes has occurred.

No population studies have demonstrated a link between pornography and sex crimes.

The upbringing of sex offenders was usually sexually repressive, often they had an overtly religious background and held rigid conservative attitudes toward sexuality (Conyers & Harvey, 1996; Dougher, 1988); their upbringing had usually been ritualistically moralistic and conservative rather than permissive.

During adolescence and adulthood, sex offenders were generally found not to have used erotic or pornographic materials any more than any other groups of individuals or even less so (Goldstein & Kant, 1973, Propper, 1972). Walker (1970) reported that sex criminals were several years older than noncriminals before they first saw pictures of intercourse.

Many who deal with rapists feel rape is a sexual act for a non sexual problem, e.g., a defeat or frustration at work might motivate rape (Groth, 1979). Others see rape as an expression of power (Groth, Burgess and Holstrom, 1977). Goldstein and Kant concluded that "few if any" of the sex offenders they interviewed had been appreciably influenced by pornography. "Far more potent sexual stimuli" are real persons in the environment for the sex criminal (Goldstein & Kant, 1973; Lynn, 1986). Danish experts, including feminist criminologists who have studied rape in Denmark, also agree that there is no relationship between pornography and rape (Kutchinsky, 1985a, pp. 12).

Pornography does not cause rape; banning it will not stop rape. In fact, some studies have shown that rapists are generally exposed to less pornography than normal males (Groth, 1979, pp. 9).

Wilson (1978, pp. 175) found that "Males who develop deviant patterns of sexual behavior in adulthood have suffered relative deprivation of experience with pornography in adolescence." He suggests that pornography not only can, but does, help to prevent criminal sex problems (pp. 176). Wilson claims exposure to sexually explicit materials can have therapeutic advantages and, among couples, help by promoting greater communication and openness to discuss sexual matters, and provide sex education. It can also help by providing an anxiety and inhibition-relieving function. Thirty-nine percent of the convicts surveyed by Walker (1970) agreed that pornography "provides a safety valve for antisocial impulses.

Basically Kutchinsky believes that pornography, in the real world, offers a substitution for the sexual and nonsexual frustrations that might, in other circumstances, lead to sexual offenses (Kutchinsky, 1973a, p175 ff.). "If availability of pornography can reduce sex crimes, it is because the use of certain forms of pornography to certain potential offenders is functionally equivalent to the commission of certain types of sex offenses: both satisfy the need. . . If these potential offenders have the option, they prefer to use pornography because it is more convenient, unharmful and undangerous.

As with most other crimes, sex crimes are usually opportunistic, given little forethought and typically committed by individuals with poor self or social control. And such individuals are often identifiable before they would be exposed to any substantial SEM.

In sum, the concern that countries allowing pornography would show increased sex crime rates due to modeling or that adolescents in particular would be negatively vulnerable to and receptive to such models or the society would be otherwise adversely effected has not been vindicated. It is certainly clear from our data and analysis that a massive increase in available pornography in Japan has been correlated with a dramatic decrease in sexual crimes and most so among youngsters as perpetrators or victims. We have mentioned some possible influential factors.

Kitsune hat geschrieben: ↑17.10.2024, 19:29

We believe our findings support the displacement function of pornography for potential sex offenders.

Issues surrounding child pornography and child sex abuse are probably among the most contentious in the area of sex issues and crime. In this regard we consider instructive our findings for the Czech Republic that have echoed those found in Denmark (Kutchinsky, 1973) and Japan (Diamond & Uchiyama, 1999) that where so-called child-pornography was readily available without restriction the incidence of child sexual abuse was lower than when its availability was restricted. As with adult pornography appearing to substitute for sexual aggression everywhere it has been investigated, we believe the availability of child porn does similarly. We believe this particularly since the findings of Weiss (2002) have shown that a substantial portion of child sex abuse instances seemed to occur, not because of pedophilic interest of the abuser, but because the child was used as a substitute subject.

Karamello hat geschrieben: ↑19.10.2024, 09:15 Ich wusste, dass in Dänemark und Japan Kinderpornografie legal war. Total spannend aber, dass sich Wissenschaftler mal angeschaut haben, wie die Auswirkung solchen Materials auf ihre Konsumenten ist. Und dass die Studien ergeben, dass dadurch der Missbrauch nicht mehr wird. Ein weiterer Beweis, warum §184b und §184l abgeschafft werden sollten.

Karamello hat geschrieben: ↑19.10.2024, 09:15 Der andere Teil, das mit den Ersatzhandlungstätern, wurde ja ebenfalls an mehreren Stellen festgestellt - Menschen, die es mit Kindern treiben, weil sie unfähig sind mit Erwachsenen in eine Beziehung zu kommen. Mit Pädophilie hat das überhaupt nichts zu tun.

Personen, die sexuell ausschließlich oder überwiegend auf vorpubertäre Kinder ausgerichtet sind, leben - nach derzeitigem Stand der sexualmedizinischen Kenntnis - überwiegend nicht in festen Partnerschaften bzw. Sexualbeziehungen mit altersähnlichen Partnerinnen oder Partnern und demzufolge i.d.R. auch nicht in den sozialen bzw. familiären Verhältnissen, in denen ein Großteil der Fälle von sexuellem Kindesmissbrauch verübt wird.

Durch Studien, in denen Täter von sexuellem Kindesmissbrauch daraufhin untersucht wurden, ob sie unabhängig von ihrer Tat entsprechend der Kriteriologie des DSM-IV-TR (APA, 2000) die Diagnose „Pädophilie“ erhalten würden, stellte sich heraus, dass mit 12-20 % nicht einmal ein Viertel der wegen sexuellen Kindesmissbrauchs verurteilten Sexualstraftäter als pädophil angesehen werden können (American Psychiatric Association, APA, 1999). Es ist daher unzulässig, als motivationalen Hintergrund für sexuellen Kindesmissbrauch automatisch Pädophilie zu unterstellen.

„Die überwiegenden Befunde sprechen dafür, dass die meisten sexuellen Kindesmissbraucher nicht pädophil und somit keine sog. Präferenztäter sind, sondern als Ersatzhandlungstäter angesehen werden müssen. Unter Ersatzhandlungstätern werden Personen verstanden, die mit erwachsenen Partnern sexuelle erlebnisfähig sind, aber ersatzweise auf Kinder über- bzw. zurückgreifen, weil sexuelle Kontakte zu Erwachsenen nicht realisiert werden können oder als unrealisierbar erlebt werden.“

2005 bis 2011: Konzeption, Planung, Aufbau und Klinische Leitung der „Sexualpsychologischen Nachsorgegruppe“
im „Präventionsprojekt Dunkelfeld“ www.kein-taeter-werden.de (PPD-KTW) am Institut für Sexualwissenschaft des Universitätsklinikums Chrité Berlin.
2005 bis 2011: Klinische Leitung von 6 Therapiegruppen im „Präventionsprojekt Dunkelfeld“ www.kein-taeter-werden.de (PPD-KTW) am Institut für Sexualwissenschaft des Universitätsklinikums Chrité Berlin.

2002 bis 2008: Konzeption, Planung, Drittmittelakquisition, Koordination, Personal-Instruktion und -Supervision und Leitung der Öffentlichkeitsarbeit des „Präventionsprojektes Dunkelfeld“ www.kein-taeter-werden.de (PPD-KTW), einer Therapie-Evaluations-Studie zur therapeutischen Primärprävention von sexuellem Kindesmissbrauch im Dunkelfeld, durch vorbeugende Behandlungsangebote für potentielle Täter: Ahlers et al. 2010.

Less than half (around 40%) of sexual assaults against children are committed by pedophiles. The majority of sexual crimes against children are perpetrated by people who do not have a history of disordered sexual arousal to children. Instead, issues of drugs, alcohol, anger, isolation, and control motivate these tragic events.

Pedophilia, a sexual disorder involving repeated sexual arousal, fantasy, or behavior toward children, is not, in and of itself alone, a highly significant risk factor for sexual abuse of children. I know this seems hard to believe, but research demonstrates that it is antisocial personality traits, low empathy for the victim, disinhibiting drugs and alcohol, and isolation which lead to sexual abuse of children.

Pedophiles appear to be born, not made, and have distinct neurological differences which correlate with these disturbed sexual desires. But when pedophiles have empathy, have an awareness of the need to follow social rules, and are sober, these people appear to have no clear risk for sexually abusive behavior.

Verehrer hat geschrieben: ↑19.10.2024, 18:20 sowas stösst aber beim Gesetzgeber auf taube Ohren. Damit lässt sich eben keine Stimmung machen.

Some anti-porn activists have claimed that X-rated media spur men to commit sexual assault. On the contrary, the results of what researchers call “natural experiments”—evidence before and after social changes—show that this is not the case.

Arrival of the Internet: More Porn, Less Rape

If the anti-porn activists are correct, if porn actually contributes to rape, then starting around 1999 as the internet made it much more easily available, the rate of sexual assault should have increased. So what happened? According to the Justice Department’s authoritative National Crime Victimization Survey, since 1995, the U.S. sexual assault rate has fallen 44 percent.

Clearly, the anti-porn activists are wrong. Porn doesn’t incite men to sexual violence. It looks more like a safety valve that gives men an alternative outlet for potentially assaultive energy.

The Czech Republic: More Porn, Less Rape

Another natural experiment involves the political changes in Eastern Europe. From 1948 to 1989, the Communist police state then known as Czechoslovakia made possession of pornography (including relatively tame publications like Playboy) a criminal offense punishable by prison.

As a result, porn was largely unavailable to Czech men. But when Communism collapsed and the democratic Czech Republic emerged, it legalized porn, which became easily and widely available. So what happened to women’s risk of sexual assault?

Using Czech police records, American and Czech researchers compared rape rates in the Czech Republic for the 17 years before porn was legalized with rates during the 18 years after. Rapes decreased from 800 a year to 500. More porn, less rape.

In addition, the legalization of porn was associated with a decrease in another despicable sex crime, child sexual abuse. Under Communism, arrests for child sex abuse averaged 2,000 a year. After porn became legal, the figure dropped by more than half to fewer than 1,000. More porn, fewer sex crimes.

Denmark: More Porn, Less Rape

Japan, China, Hong Kong: More Porn, Less Rape

Compared with Most Men, Rapists Consume Less Porn

UCLA researchers surveyed recollections of porn use among law-abiding men and a large group of convicted rapists and child sex abusers. Throughout their lives, the sex criminals recalled consuming less porn. More evidence that porn is a safety valve.

Those who feel offended or disgusted by pornography are entitled to their opinion. But they are not entitled to misrepresent its effects on men and society. Porn does not isolate men from significant others, nor does it contribute to rape and other sex crimes.

It has been said that "pornography historically has been an integral part of Japanese culture"
(Abramson & Hayashi, 1984). It is more true to say that erotic and fertility themes have been a
traditional part of Japanese culture. Indeed religious shrines, ribald stories and both suggestive and
explicit art have incorporated sexual icons and representations without shame and without the sin
aspect associated with sex in the West. Traditionally these views of sex were in keeping with cultural
or Confucian themes seen as enhancing family solidarity through child bearing and as a form of sex
education (Abramson & Hayashi, 1984) and a way to enjoy the "good life."

Es wird gesagt, dass „Pornografie historisch ein integraler Bestandteil der japanischen Kultur war“
(Abramson & Hayashi, 1984). Es ist zutreffender zu sagen, dass Erotik- und Fruchtbarkeitsthemen ein
traditioneller Bestandteil der japanischen Kultur waren. Tatsächlich
wurden in religiösen Schreinen, anzüglichen Geschichten und sowohl anzüglicher als auch expliziter Kunst sexuelle Symbole und Darstellungen ohne Scham und ohne den Sündenaspekt aufgenommen,
der im Westen mit Sex assoziiert wird. Traditionell entsprachen diese Ansichten über Sex kulturellen
oder konfuzianischen Themen, die als Stärkung des Familienzusammenhalts durch Kinderkriegen und als Form der Sexualerziehung
(Abramson & Hayashi, 1984) und als Möglichkeit, das „gute Leben“ zu genießen, angesehen wurden.

Verehrer hat geschrieben: ↑09.02.2025, 21:18 Dieses verkrampft moralische Ideal der westlichen Welt, das der übrigen Welt einfach übergestülbt wurde, ist ja noch nicht so alt, und widerspricht der menschlichen Natur.